Capcom is a leading worldwide developer, publisher and distributor of interactive entertainment for game consoles, PCs, handheld and wireless devices. Founded in 1983, the company has created hundreds of games, including groundbreaking franchises Resident Evil™, Monster Hunter™, Street Fighter™, Mega Man™, Devil May Cry™ and Ace Attorney™. Capcom maintains operations in the U.S., U.K., Germany, France, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Tokyo, with corporate headquarters located in Osaka, Japan. More information about Capcom and its products can be found at www.capcom.com or www.capcom-unity.com. The biometric registry increased forced eradication and social unrest in La Paz. In fact, the Yungas experienced the highest number of reported resistance events related to coca eradication between 2006 and 2016 (see Figure 4). Supported by ADEPCOCA, most eradication occurred outside the traditional ‘coca belt’. Footnote 119 Some of the most intense eradication took place in the municipality of La Asunta, a non-traditional coca community impacted by eradication and related social unrest as early as 2008. One MAS deputy in Congress, echoing a bygone era, proclaimed that La Asunta growers were ‘obligated by international treaty’ to eradicate. Footnote 120 In response, La Asunta growers initiated a march to La Paz in April of 2008 and threatened other forms of resistance. They argued that their coca supplied the legal market (in contrast to Chapare) and criticised the Morales government for favouring Chapare farmers who have the same legal status under Law 1008 as non-traditional cocaleros of the Yungas. Footnote 121 En un solo día, Andrónico Rodríguez recibió al menos tres bofetadas de Evo Morales"[In Just One Day, Andrónico Rodríguez Received at Least Three Slaps from Evo Morales]. Brújula Digital (in Spanish). La Paz. 19 January 2020. Archived from the original on 21 March 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Finally, in Chapare, an area of mostly non-traditional coca cultivation and the third area of interest, peasant unions played a pivotal role in supporting the implementation of CYCN reforms. These powerful agrarian unions formed after the 1953 Agrarian Reform in response to frontier colonisation. Following the Agrarian Reform, land plots became smaller in the highlands and the MNR government encouraged peasants to colonise Chapare, a semi-tropical lowland area east and north-east of the city of Cochabamba, and other frontier regions. As colonos (settlers) arrived in the 1960s, agrarian unions, fashioned from both highland Indigenous and peasant organisational structures, emerged as the governing authority in the absence of state presence. Colonos registered with their neighbourhood union and received a parcel of land in exchange for monthly dues and communal labour. Footnote 43

Aún sin Evo Morales, su partido lidera los sondeos para las elecciones presidenciales en Bolivia"[Even Without Evo Morales, His Party Leads the Polls for the Presidential Elections in Bolivia]. Clarín (in Spanish). Buenos Aires. 22 December 2019. Archived from the original on 9 August 2021 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Given their historic relationship, Rodríguez remained a stalwart Evista—the faction of parliamentarians most closely aligned with Morales—throughout his early senatorial tenure. [35] Though Rodríguez continues to be recognized as one of Morales's most trusted figures within both the legislature and cocalero movement, [36] more recently, he has also been highlighted as an emerging leader of his own Androniquista bloc, a quaternary faction within a MAS internally divided by Arcista, Choquehuanquista, and Evista currents all vying for leadership of the party. [37] Commission assignments [ edit ] Andrónico suma apoyo para ser primer senador"[Andrónico Gains Support to Be First Senator]. Página Siete (in Spanish). La Paz. 1 March 2020. Archived from the original on 2 March 2020 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Cocaleros reeligen a Morales como su líder y plantean otro juicio contra Áñez"[ Cocaleros Reelect Morales As Their Leader and Put Forward Another Trial Against Áñez]. Swissinfo (in Spanish). Bern. EFE. 20 September 2021. Archived from the original on 29 August 2022 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. La [ sic] Seis Federaciones del Trópico de Cochabamba [son] el mayor sindicato del sector [cocalero] en Bolivia.Luis Veizaga es electo como vicepresidente de las Seis Federaciones del Trópico"[Luis Veizaga Is Elected Vice President of the Six Federations of the Tropics]. Los Tiempos (in Spanish). Cochabamba. 28 September 2016. Archived from the original on 22 April 2017 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. While some may use this as a low-abv Chartreuse substitute, I’m sure most are sipping it as cold shots or with simple mixers. I’ll add that I had a hard time getting to sleep after my experience with Cocalero — though whether that was due to any residual impact of Cocalero’s more exotic ingredients or something else is an open question. They showed no mercy to my sister, in spite of her being a woman, and they beat and tortured her as if she was a man.

In 1985, Yungas peasants created the Asociación Departamental de Productores de Coca (Departmental Association of Coca Producers, ADEPCOCA) as the economic wing of the agrarian unions. In addition to organising protests against coca production limits, ADEPCOCA issued producer licences allowing holders to cultivate and trade coca directly in La Paz without securing the expensive commercial licence required for coca traders, thus undercutting market intermediaries. Footnote 38 As Alison L. Spedding explains, ‘[by] showing this card, it is possible to take coca to the city and sell it without paying duty or risking arrest’. Footnote 39 To join ADEPCOCA, producers must have the endorsement of their local union, pay a membership fee and register the quantity of land used to cultivate coca. Footnote 40 Evo felicita a Andrónico por otra reelección en Senado y en el MAS ven apetitos personales del trópico"[Evo Congratulates Andrónico on Another Reelection in the Senate and in the MAS There Is Concern over Personal Appetites from the Tropics]. Página Siete (in Spanish). La Paz. 26 October 2022. Archived from the original on 27 October 2022 . Retrieved 13 November 2022. Since we introduced Cocalero Clásico in Georgia last summer, we’ve received an incredible response from bartenders and retailers who have really embraced the product,” remarked John Ralph, CEO of Intrepid Spirits. “Cocalero is unlike anything else on the market, and we’re confidently poised to replicate the success we’ve had in Atlanta in multiple other cities across the country over the next 12 months.” A supporter holds a poster of Morales during a rally to welcome him to Chimoré on 11 November. Photograph: STF/APIn the 1980s, the Bolivian Mining Corporation closed many mines, which forced many former miners into coca production. Not only did coca farming provide a living for the ex-miners, but the turn from wage labor to farming allowed for more political organization. Many of the organizations formed during this time period such as the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia later joined forces with the Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia and the Confederación Sindical de Colonizadores de Bolivia to form the beginnings of the Movimiento al Socialismo, the Party of Evo Morales. Among major mobilizations since its inception, the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia has played a part in marches for land reform, indigenous autonomy, and for a plurinational state. [6] Cocaleros and the MAS Party [ edit ] Evo Morales Predictably, ADEPCOCA did not support La Asunta growers in their struggles against forced eradication. La Asunta leaders told the press that ADEPCOCA had ‘… sold out to the government’. Footnote 122 Meanwhile, more than a thousand La Asunta growers descended on the capital city of La Paz, forming a ‘human carpet’ at the doorstep of the Ministerio de Desarrollo Rural (Ministry of Rural Development), demanding that their coca be protected and encouraging government eradication in other non-traditional zones such as Caranavi and Palos Blancos, and areas of expanding coca production in Apolo. Footnote 123 Eventually, forced eradication extended to all of these zones, thus galvanising broader resistance which sometimes turned violent. For example, Caranavi cocaleros planted crude explosives called cazabobos in their coca fields to deter eradication teams. Footnote 124 In Palos Blancos, protestors ambushed eradication teams, causing injuries and the arrest of 13 coca farmers in 2010. Footnote 125 As I immediately confirmed, the coca leaf involved in the production of Cocalero contributes no psychoactive character, being extracted by “a specialised steam distillation process pioneered by the perfume industry.” The drink’s PR people slyly say that “we source our coca leaf from a legal source (which also supplies a very well-known soft drink brand!) and needless to say it therefore has no narcotic effect.” The implication is obviously that Cocalero is making use of some of the same processes as Coca-Cola itself, although they’re probably barred from using that brand’s name in their marketing. Andrónico, candidato a la presidencia?"[Andrónico, Candidate for President?]. Página Siete (in Spanish). La Paz. 16 November 2019. Archived from the original on 17 November 2019 . Retrieved 30 August 2022.

Rojas Medrano, July (10 July 2019). "Molina y periodista aparecen en la lista del MAS para la ALP"[Molina and Journalist Appear on the MAS List for the ALP]. Los Tiempos (in Spanish). Cochabamba. Archived from the original on 13 November 2019 . Retrieved 30 August 2022.

CocaRita Margarita for Cinco de Mayo

Cocalero Clásico is a premium botanical spirit inspired by South American flavors and culture ( cocaleros are the coca leaf growers of Peru and Bolivia). Distilled in Dublin, Ireland of all places, the proprietary recipe of 17 natural botanicals is apparently very popular in Asia and catching on here. Juniper, Ginger, Guarana, and Green Tea are among Cocalero Clásico’s unique blend of botanicals. Morales, 61, recalled how in January Áñez had urged the Bolivian people to stop “the savages” from regaining power. Evo aparece como primer senador del MAS en Cochabamba; Andrónico es tercero"[Evo Is Nominated for First Senator of the MAS in Cochabamba; Andrónico Is Third]. Los Tiempos (in Spanish). Cochabamba. 3 February 2020. Archived from the original on 27 February 2020 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Indeed, CYCN defied both the United States and prevailing top-down academic theories of US−Latin American relations. Moreover, cross-national analyses highlight Bolivia as the only Latin American country to significantly depart from the punitive paradigm and thus exclude the United States from national drug-policy decisions. Footnote 18 In 2008, Morales expelled the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) from Bolivia and allowed all United States International Agency for Development (USAID) programmes to lapse from 2009 to 2013. Footnote 19 The United States penalised Bolivia for these actions by decertifying it for over a decade, but this did not derail Bolivia's reform agenda. Footnote 20

During the Morales presidency, the Yungas unions coordinated at the regional and provincial level to negotiate with the national government over CYCN implementation. In the 1950s, clusters of unions in the Yungas formed regional centrales (congresses of unions) which united into provincial federations. Footnote 35 By 1960, there were six independent federations in the Yungas incorporated under the departmental peasant federation and the national peasant confederation. Footnote 36 The local unions provided dispute resolution and managed communal infrastructure but did not intervene in productive activity. Footnote 37 However, unions expanded their role during the 1980s in response to government threats to restrict coca production, as well as a desire to protect producers against powerful market intermediaries.

Beer

Andrónico revela que tras 2019 muchos le dijeron 'tenemos que levantar las armas' "[Andrónico Reveals That After 2019 Many Told Him That "We Have to Raise Arms"]. Página Siete (in Spanish). La Paz. 9 April 2023. Archived from the original on 10 April 2023 . Retrieved 10 April 2023. Nearby, a group held up a banner commemorating Roberth Calisaya, 20, who was killed last year when soldiers opened fire on demonstrators in Santa Cruz. Existing research finds that electorally secure governments in new democracies are more likely to escalate repression in response to social resistance. Footnote 64 Following the crisis-plagued presidency of leftist Hernán Siles Zuazo (1982–5), the Bolivian Left was in electoral decline, leaving the Right to dominate national politics throughout the 1990s and escalate repression against Chapare growers. Footnote 65 The Chapare coca struggles peaked in 1998 with the initiation of Plan Dignidad (Dignity Plan), a militarised eradication campaign that reduced Chapare coca from 31,500 to 6,000 hectares, and caused the death of 25 cocaleros and left hundreds more injured or detained. Footnote 66 During this period, Morales, president of the Six Federations, led a successful grassroots resistance against repressive drug policies. In 1994, the Six Federations allied with other sectors that led to the creation of the MAS in 1998 as a mass movement and party. Footnote 67